Goal-Directed and Habitual: Some Evidence
According to the dual-process theory, instrumental actions can be a consequence of both goal-directed processes and habitual processes. So far we have mainly relied on testimony for this key premise. It’s now time to consider evidence for it.
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Notes
This is an optional section. We did not cover it in lectures. If you completed the reading for Seminar 1, you have already encountered the evidence here (although perhaps not all of the details).
Until The Minor Puzzle about Habitual Processes we had not encountered any evidence at all for the dual-process theory of instrumental action. What evidence supports this theory?
The section introduces three sources of evidence:
- cognitive load (via stress) - Schwabe & Wolf (2010)[1]
- representation of contingency - Klossek, Yu, & Dickinson (2011)
- neurophysiology - Dickinson (2016)
If you have difficulty with this (perhaps you are new to psychology, or perhaps you just struggle to follow the lecturer), please consider just the first of these.
It would be much better to have a firm understanding of Schwabe & Wolf (2010) than to have a sense of what each of the three sources of evidence involves.
Speed vs flexibility
In the lecture I justify some of the predictions tested with the consideration that any broadly cognitive process must make a trade-off between speed and flexibility. This idea is further developed by Daw, Niv, & Dayan (2005, p. 1705) who contrast the use of cached values (which is fast but insensitive to rapid changes in the environment) with values computed on the fly (which may demand time and effort but allows more flexibility).
In essence, the idea is that the goal-directed process involves searching through potential actions, predicting their likely consequences and anticipating how valuable (or not) those consequences would be. This ‘poses severe demands on computation and memory and rapidly becomes intractable with growing complexity.’ (Wunderlich, Dayan, & Dolan, 2012, p. 786). By contrast, the habitual process is much less demanding as it does not even require memory of the consequences of actions. But there is a trade-off: in return for being less demanding, the habitual process is unreliable in a rapidly changing environment or where there is insufficient learning.
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Glossary
You may encounter variations on this definition of instrumental in the literature. For instance, Dickinson (2016, p. 177) characterises instrumental actions differently: in place of the teleological ‘in order to bring about an outcome’, he stipulates that an instrumental action is one that is ‘controlled by the contingency between’ the action and an outcome. And de Wit & Dickinson (2009, p. 464) stipulate that ‘instrumental actions are learned’.
References
Endnotes
Note that Buabang, Boddez, Wolf, & Moors (2023) report a failed replication of this finding. If you rely on Schwabe & Wolf (2010), it would be good to consider whether this failed replication should undermine confidence in the original result. My own view is that it should not. This is because whereas Schwabe & Wolf (2010) used sateity to devalue, Buabang et al. (2023) used ‘Tween 20 (Polysorbate 20), a colorless and odorless substance that creates a bad taste’. As the authors note, this creates an aversion to the food. But there is a distinction between a change in desire for a food and an aversion to it. We would expect habitual behaviours to be influenced by change in aversion but not by a change in desire (see Preference vs Aversion: A Dissociation). ↩︎